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本题由lindy提供
2784 次学习

In a new book about the antiparty feeling of the early political leaders of the United States, Ralph Ketcham argues

that the first six Presidents differed decisively from later Presidents because the first six held values inherited from the classical humanist tradition of eighteenth-century England. In this view, government was designed not to satisfy the private desires of the people but to make them better citizens; this tradition stressed the disinterested devotion of political leaders to the public good. Justice, wisdom, and courage were more important qualities in a leader than the ability to organize voters and win elections. Indeed, leaders were supposed to be called to office rather than to run for office. And if they took up the burdens of public office with a sense of duty, leaders also believed that such offices were naturally their due because of their social preeminence or their contributions to the country. Given this classical conception of leadership, it is not surprising that the first six Presidents condemned political parties. Parties were partial by definition, self-interested, and therefore serving something other than the transcendent public good.

Even during the first presidency (Washington's), however, the classical conception of virtuous leadership was being undermined by commercial forces that had been gathering since at least the beginning of the eighteenth century. Commerce--its profit-making, its self-interestedness, its individualism--became the enemy of these classical ideals. Although Ketcham does not picture the struggle in quite this way, he does rightly see Jackson's tenure (the seventh presidency) as the culmination of the acceptance of party, commerce, and individualism. For the Jacksonians, nonpartisanship lost its relevance, and under the direction of Van Buren, party gained a new legitimacy. The classical ideals of the first six Presidents became identified with a privileged aristocracy, an aristocracy that had to be overcome in order to allow competition between opposing political interests. Ketcham is so strongly committed to justifying the classical ideals, however, that he underestimates the advantages of their decline. For example, the classical conception of leadership was incompatible with our modern notion of the freedoms of speech and press, freedoms intimately associated with the legitimacy of opposing political parties.

It can be inferred that the author of the passage

would be most likely to agree that modern views of the freedoms of speech and press are


    (A) values closely associated with the beliefs of the aristocracy of the early United States

    (B) political rights less compatible with democracy and individualism than with classical ideals

    (C) political rights uninfluenced by the formation of opposing political parties

    (D) values not inherent in the classical humanist tradition of eighteenth-century England

    (E) values whose interpretation would have been agreed on by all United States Presidents 


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答案:
D
定位到“For
example, the classical conception of leadership was incompatible with our modern notion of the freedoms of speech and press, freedoms intimately associated with the legitimacy of opposing political parties.” (A)是与早期美国贵族统治关系紧密的价值观。根据定位句的前半句,言论自由与古典的观点是矛盾的(在第二段的“The classical ideals of the first six Presidents became identified with a privileged aristocracy”中,古典观点和贵族统治被划了等号)。所以这个选项是错误的。 (B)政治权力在民主主义和个人主义中比之于古典理想更为容易共存。这个选项的内容在文中没有提到过,也无从推出。 (C)政治权力未受反对党的组成的影响。这个的关键词在“freedoms intimately associated with the legitimacy of opposing political parties.”。原句是在解释自由的来源是什么。 (D)Correct。这样的价值观不是18世纪英格兰传统古典人文主义学者所有的内在价值观。从考点中说的定位句可以知道,既然两者本来矛盾,那肯定在18世纪的英格兰“言论自由”这个价值观是不存在的。 (E)被美国所有的总统所认同的价值观的诠释(意思就是说言论自由是美国历任总统都认同的价值观)。显然这个选项不正确。第三段的行文已经说的很清楚了。只有前六任以后“言论自由”这个价值观才被逐渐认同。

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